To analyze the economic and industrial condition of
a people is intensely interesting, but it is painful to watch the tense
struggle for existence which is going on among the population about to be
described. There are, it is true,
influences at work which make the
struggle hopeful, and which lighten the burden at times, but the strife
and the stress are severe. Hardened to suifering, the people push on
tenaciously, grimly facing the bystander, often
scoffing at the feeling
of pity which may well up in him.
It is my purpose to present a picture of the
economic life of the Russian Jews of the city of Philadelphia. A forced
immigration covering a period of twenty years is not likely to produce a
very settled population, and the picture will therefore show features due
to the rapid changes which are going on. All stages of prosperity and lack
of prosperity are to be found among the population. On the one side are
those who still need the helping hand of the relief and the employment
agencies, on the other are those who, arriving here poverty-stricken, have
amassed wealth and employ large numbers of persons in their businesses.
Between are the struggling masses.
The industries in which the
Russian Jewish
population are most largely employed may be
summed up under the head
of needle industries. These include the clothing trade, and the
manufacture of cloaks, waists, wrappers, skirts, shirts, overalls, and
underwear. In the manufacture of clothing in this city the majority of
the employees are Russian Jews.
Some idea of their occupations can be obtained from
an examination of the
assessor's list of voters in some of the lower
wards of the city. Some time ago I counted roughly about 2,000 Jewish
voters, and of these fully one-third, about 700, were marked
as tailors or as connected with the tailoring trade. Over 300 were entered
as merchants and
dealers.
Under the euphemistic title of "dealer"
are
doubtless a large number of
peddlers. There were over 100 recorded
as clerks and
salesmen, 85 as cigar makers, 35 as butchers, 25 as grocers, and the
remainder in a variety of occupations. It would serve no purpose to give
the details, for, aside from the lack of a system of classification of
occupations, one of the last places to go for an accurate statistical
record is a Philadelphia
assessor's list of voters in a downtown ward--or
in many an uptown ward--so that the figures given are not to be regarded
as
careful
statistical estimates, but merely as illustrations of the leading
occupations.
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An
examination of the occupations of the Russian
Jewish pupils of three public night schools down town (Fifth and
Fitzwater Streets, Third and Catharine Streets, and Sixth and Spruce
Streets), one season, revealed the fact that of about 900 young men and
600 young women, fully a third were in the needle industries. It is of
interest to note, also, that there were about 50 peddlers and keepers of
stands, over 75 newsboys, and some 120 cash, errand, and messenger boys.
In the absence of special skill for particular
trades the immigrants have gone into the easily acquired needle
industries, in which, with their minute subdivision, a particular
occupation can, in many instances, be leamed in a few weeks. The immigrant
becomes a sweatshop laborer, with all that that implies.
photo:
Willie Cohen, 1210 So. 6th St., 8 years of
age, newsboy, attends John Hay School. Was selling papers at
Phila. & Reading Terminal 10:30 A.M. Monday June 13th, Said it
was Jewish
Holiday. Max
Rafalovizht, 1300 So. 6th St, 8 years old, attends John Hay
School, was selling papers at Phila. & Reading Terminal, June
13th, 1910. Location: Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Courtesy of
the Library of Congress
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There has been some endeavor to divert the steady
stream which leads from the immigrant ship to the sweatshop. Families are
at times sent into country towns to labor, and individuals are forwarded
into factory towns where they can work under better conditions than are
afforded by the over-crowded needle industries in the city. The movement
from this city, though
small and slow, is nevertheless encouraging.
The schools of the Hebrew Education Society are
another example of an endeavor to remove the economi c
clog, and to turn
the immigrants into the direction of skilled industries. Hundreds of
graduates from this school can testify to the effort in the direction of
industrial education. Cigar making and clothing cutting for young men,
millinery and dress
making for young women, are taught in this school.
The results are comparatively small, however. The
problem of the congested needle industries is but
little
affected by such efforts, when the condition of the thousands in
these trades is considered.
I have no means of determining with any degree of
accuracy the
number of Russian Jews in this city in the various trades. There is
enough evidence from different sides to show beyond a doubt that the
needle workers are by far predominant in numbers, and from examination of
the factory inspectors' reports and
personal inquiry of leading workers,
I think an estimate of 10,000 as aggregating the total number would not be
an exaggeration. In the various branches of the cigar trade there are
about 1,000 employed. There are between 500 and 1,000 peddlers and keepers
of stands, the number varying according to the season of the year. Factory
workmen, shop keepers of various kinds, clerks and salesmen, girls in
cigar, cigarette, and other factories, in shops and in stores, make up
the bulk of the remainder of the population. Then there are the workmen
in the ordinary vocations which every population affords, and finally, the
professional class. There are a number of young men studying for the
professions, so
that within the near future the list of the latter will be largely increased.
A survey of the section in which the Russian Jewish
people reside reveals, on the outside, far less evidence of the presence
of the sweatshops and their workers than one would imagine from reading
lurid newspaper descriptions. But this will not seem
so
strange when it is understood that much of
the work of the needle industries is done in the homes,-- and some of the
worst results, both from the economic and the sanitary standpoints, are
in consequence of home work,-- and that there is no attempt to display
large signs advertising the business, as would be the case with factories
and mills of other industries and in other districts. One must often
sedulously seek the shops in order to find them.
It is significant that in the reports of the factory
inspectors all the shops with which we are dealing are designated as
sweatshops; garment and cigar factories are all under this head, and it is
only in the details of the reports that a distinction is made as to the
sanitary
condition being good, fair, or bad.
We entered
a sweatshop on Lombard, Bainbridge, Monroe
or South Fourth Street. It may be on one of several
floors in which
similar
work is going on. The
shop is that of the so-called contractor--one who contracts with the
manufacturer to put his garments together after they have been cut by the
cutter. The pieces are taken in bundles from the manufacturer's to the
contractor's. Each contractor usually
undertakes the completion of one sort--pants, coats, vests, knee pants,
or children's jackets. There is probably one whole floor devoted to the
making of this one kind of garment. It may be that two contractors divide
the space of a floor, the one, perhaps, being a pants contractor, and the
other a vest contractor, with an entirely distinct set of employees. To
his employees the contractor is the "boss," as
you find out when you inquire at the
shop.
Before you have reached the shop, you have probably climbed one, two, or
three flights of stairs, littered with debris. You readily recognize the
entrance to one of these shops once inside the building. The room is
likely to be ill-smelling and badly ventilated; the workers are afraid of
draughts. Consequently, an abnormally bad air is breathed which it is
difficult for the ordinary person to stand long. Thus result the
tubercular and other diseases which the immigrant acquires in his endeavor
to work out his economic existence.
There are the operator at the machine, the presser
at the ironing table, the baster and the finisher WIth their
needles--the latter young women--all bending their backs and straining their eyes
over the garments the people wear, many working long hours in busy season
for a compensation that hardly enables them to live, and in dull season,
not knowing how they will get along at all.
If we apply our ordinary standards of
sanitation to
these shops they certainly come below such standards. By frequent visits
we may grow accustomed to the sights and smells, and perhaps unconsciously
assume that such shops must in the nature of things be in bad condition.
But a little reflection will readily show the error of such an assumption.
It is all the more harrowing that the workers have a
tenacity of life due to a rich inheritance of vitality, and that through
sickness and disease, through squalor and
filth, they proceed onward, often managing to pull
themselves out of the economic slough, though
retaining, perhaps, the defects of bad physical development and
surroundings.
But there is a larger social question involved. The
community at large incurs a danger through the germs of disease which a
dirty shop may spread in the garments it turns out. And
so the government steps in to
inspect the shops, supposedly requiring them to conform to certain
sanitary regulations, both because of the health of the employees and of
the community generally. But, as a matter of fact, most of the
contractors' shops that I visited are really not good places to work in.
The best result of inspecting them by the government inspector would be
to "inspect" them out of existence. But the law and the
human
instruments of the law are not strong enough for that. The inspection
force is ludicrously inadequate for the large number of places to be
looked after, so that, with the best intentions, the inspectors must feel
themselves helpless. The law, as it reads, would seem to be stringent
enough. It requires that before work of the kind under consideration can
go on in a place, the employer must have a permit from the inspector,
"stating the maximum number of persons allowed to be employed therein and
that the building, or part of building, intended to be used for such work
or business is thoroughly clean, sanitary and fit for occupancy for such
work or business."
Not less than 250 cubic feet of air space are to be
allowed for each person, and "there shall be sufficient
means of
ventilation provided in each workroom." Manufacturers are required to
have the permit produced before giving work to a contractor. There is a
penalty attached to working without such permit. The manufacturer shields
himself behind the permit issued to the contractor. The contractor
likewise. As ever, form without spirit is deadening, and so the
conscience of the community must be more thoroughly aroused before there
is a real remedy of the conditions. We have here another illustration of
how politics, which is satisfied with putting laws on the statute books
and executing them through inadequate agencies appointed through the usual
influences, menaces the health and economic condition ot a community,
failing to realize the larger purpose which would compel an intelligent
carrying out of the law, or
a clear demonstration of its failure if it is
inadequate.
It should be added, by way of
information, that besides the Russian Jews the largest other element in
the needle
industries referred to is the Italian; and certain lines of
goods made by Jews are sometimes handed over to
Italians
for finishing.
The shops are chiefly conducted by the contractors,
entirely independent of the
manufacturers, and the various
manufacturers for whom they work assume no liability with reference to
them or their employees. They merely agree to pay so much per piece for
the garments they give out, and expect the garments to be returned to
their establishments
as agreed upon by the
contractors. Few in this city have "inside"
shops, that is, shops in which the entire garment is completed inside the
establishment, or in a separate building, under their own supervision.
Wherever these inside shops have been established the conditions are very
much better; the shop is much cleaner, the light good, the air bearable,
and the compensation usually more steady.
The last statement requires
elucidation. In one clothing manufacturing establisbment, there is in the
rear a so-called inside shop with a regular contractor in charge. The
firm furnishes its first work to this contractor and
thus enables him to give, in turn, steady employment, but claims
it could not extend such a shop without adding considerably to the
expense, as the rental and the assurance
of
regularity involve a larger outlay than arranging with contractors who
compete on the basis of low rentals and the smallest
possible expense.
Another firm has some of its high-grade work
completed by inside hands, and here, too, the conditions are good, being
more akin to the inside shops of the cloak trade.
One establishment for the manufacture of uniforms
has a large building
as
an inside
shop, devoted to the completion of the garments as they come from the
hands of the cutters. Here were
"sets" of workers (a "set" is uaually an
operator, a presser, and a finisher) who agreed to complete a garment for
a certain gross sum, dividing the receipts according to a pro rata
agreement, one of them being responsible for the work. The light and air
were good, and the workers had the use of electric motor power.
In this connection, it should be
noted with
congratulation that one of the largest clothing firms has a factory in
the southern section of the city that utilizes the services of about a
thousand employees, who come more immediately under the snpervision of the
manufacturer. This will do away with a small body of contractors and their
shops, and with many evil features consequent upon their maintenance.
An analysis of the wages of the employees in the
various divisions of the garment industry collected chiefly in 1901
follows:
Through the kindness of one of the large trouser
contractors, I am enabled to state exactly the amount which each class
of worker in his shop received in a year's time ending in the spring of
1901. But the amounts thus paid out, it should be borne in mind, are of
the highest range, inasmuch as this contractor had work during the entire
year, whereas the usual employment in the contractors' shops
during the same period did not equal more than about 28 full weeks' work.
It has been calculated that for the year in question the amount of work
which was
available for the average worker did not
amount to more than about what would be equal to
28
weeks' full
time. That is to say, there might be employment for some period for every
working day of the week, and for other periods for a
smaller number of
days per week and but for a partial number of hours per day, and
sometimes practically no work.
We have here, too, an estimate
as to what one of the fastest operators in the city can earn. He was
employed at his trade 39 weeks, having been in
some other employment
during 13 weeks of the year given. He worked on 4171 pairs of trousers in
that time, or an average of 108 per week, and received during the period
$543.25, or an average of $13.93 per week, being
equal to 13 cents per pair. In the same shop a second operator, working 52
weeks in the year on 4,680 pairs of trousers, or 90 pairs per week, received
$590.55, which is an average of $11.36 per week, not quite 13 cents per
pair. A third, working 42 weeks on 3,504 pairs, received $509.59, or an
average of 83 pairs, at $12.13 per week Though his average per week is
higher than the one before, he is not as well off for the year.
Records from
trouser
operators in other shops show that the average earnings per year were
considerably below this owing to but partial employment. Payment is by the
piece, from 10 to 12½ cents being a fair average price. A full week's work
will see the completion of perhaps 80 pairs. The average workman will
receive at the end of the week, in full time, therefore, about $10. As the
year's work (up to the spring of 1901) did not amount to more than 28
weeks, the yearly earnings were not more than about $250, or an average of
about $5.40 in the week.
A vest operator is paid
about 9 cents per garment. He
can
complete about 120 per week,
which at $10.80 for 28 weeks would make about $300 per year. Statements
from operators in various shops show that with a full week's work
they
earn about this
sum, some of the best earning a little more. But, as the
year's work amounted to only
28
weeks,
the earnings per
year
would be about $300 a year, or an average
of about $6 per week.
The results as to coat
operators
were
about the same. They earned from $15 to $18 per week, but had not more
than about 20 weeks' work, so that their earnings were from $300
to $360 per
year, or an average of not much more than $6 per week.
In
children's
jackets, the
earnings were from $4 to $12
a week; a year's
work was equal to 30
weeks, making from $120 to $360 per
year, or an average of
from $2.30 to
$6.90 per
week. The average payment would equal about $5 per week.
In knee pants, the earnings for operators were from
$9 to $10 in a full week. The number of weeks' employment was about 25,
and the earnings per year were from $200 to $250, an average of from $4 to
$5 per week.
Proceeding in the same
way with reference to pressers, we have our trouser contractor's
record of
$1,265.77 paid out to three
pressers in 43 weeks, or an average of $9.81 for each man, and $330.44
paid out to four pressers
in the remaining 9
weeks of the year, or an
average of $9.18 per man. This, be it remembered, is for the exceptional
shop with full employment the year round. Returns from interviewing men
in other shops showed earnings
of from $5 to $10, or $12 in a full week.
With 28 weeks'
work in the year the earnings for the year would be from
$140 to $336. The average was about midway between these figures, or $4.50
per week.
Vest
pressers
averaged about
3½
cents per garment and complete about 300 in a
week, which is equal to $10.50, and for a year of
28
weeks averaged
a little over $300. Actual records from vest shops showed earnings for
pressers of from $9 to
$14, which, with 28 weeks' actual work, would
make the average about $300 per year, or $6 per week.
The earnings of coat pressers
were about on a par with those of the vest
pressers, averaging not more
than
$300 per year, or
$6 per week.
Those on the
children's
jackets trade earned between $200 and $300 per year, or an average of from
$4 to $6 per week.
Knee pants pressers earned
from $150 to $200 per year or from $3 to
$4
per week, on the average.
The trouser baster of the same
contractor from who data as to other employees were obtained received in a
year
$287.91, or an average of $5.54 per week. He had practically full work
the year round. Assuming
the work for the
usual baster in a shop to have
been equal to
28
weeks,
the
pay on the average,
for the year, would not have been more
than about $170, or a little over $3
per week.
For vest basters, the average
from a number of
shops
showed about the same result as for the trouser
baster--from $150 to $200 per year, or a weekly average of between
$3 and
$4.
Among the coat basters,
earnings were higher. The
men
who do the basting are the chief mechanics on
the garment.
Some earned as
much at $350, but the average for the majority was about $300, which is approximately equal to weekly average of
$6.
On children's
jackets, basters and fitters earned he
$250 to $300 per year, or an average of from $5 to $6 per
week.
Coming now to finishers--who are young women--our
trouser contractor's returns on whioh we have
drawn before
showed the following payments respectively to three finishers
whom he employed the whole year: $220.99, or an
average of $4.25 per week;
$215.95, or an average of $4
per week; $205.25, or an average of $3.97
per week. The
ordinary finisher, however, having but
28
weeks'
work,
would earn not
more than $100, $125 or $150 per year,
or
between $2 and $3 per week, on the average.
Average returns from vest shops showed earnings
about $150 per year, equaling $3 per week. There were few who earned
higher wages.
An average calculation based on returns
from coat
shops
showed practically the same result--not more than
$150 per year, or $3 per week.
The same is the
case among the
children's jacket workers.
In all these instances, it should be noted, that in a full week individual earnings may be higher, but when
computed for the
year the average worker's earnings will not
be above the
sums
indicated.
We have presented the earning
eapaeity of the chief classes of piece workers in the clothing trade. There
are, however, other employees, paid usually by the week, and there are, of
course, other outlays on the
part of the contractor.
Viewing the subject now from
the standpoint of the contractor, let us estimate the cost of the
garments to him, and his net gain.
Taking the figures of our standard
trouser contractor, we find that he made 21,157 pairs in the year, or an
average of 407 pairs per week, and that his payments per pair averaged as
follows: Operating, 12.9 cents;
pressing, 7.5 cents;
finishing,
6.6 cents; tacking and button holing, 2.2 cents; basting, 1.3 cents.
Adding to these items his estimate of 2 cents for shop expenses,
including rent, coal and gas, and
1
cent for errand and delivery service, we have
a total of 33½
cents. He received from the manufacturer between 35 and 40
cents per pair, according to the nature of
the garment. .Assuming an
average of 37½
cents, his profit was 4 cents per pair, making
more than
$800
per year, or some $16 per week.
Another trouser contractor
paid out 20 cents per garment for operating, basting, flnishing and
tacking. He received from 32 to 35 cents. He could turn out about 250 per
week. Taking an average, the $33.75 per week is subject to a deduction of
$3.50 for rent and other expenses, leaving slightly over $30 per week,
which, on the basis of
28
weeks' work would be
$840
per
year, or an average earning of about $16 per week.
Similarily,
let us accept the following calculation by a vest contractor of the cost
to him of a garment: Foreman,
4 cents; operator, 15 cents; baster, 10 cents; hand
button hole maker, 15 cents; finisher, 3 cents; presser, 4 cents; errand boy, 4 cents; total 56 cents. He received 60 cents from the
manufacturer. He could turn out about 800 vests in a week. To his
expenditures are to be added rent, fuel and light. His net earnings in a
full week were, perhaps, $25. But if he has but
28
weeks' work in a year the
total would be not more than about $700, or an average of $14 per week.
This corresponds fairly well with the statement of another vest contractor
that net eamings would be from $13 to $18 per week. A third vest
contractor who paid an average of 23 cents per garment to his operator,
baster,
finisher, and presser, and who could turn out about 600 garments
in a week, received 27½
cents for them. From the average of $25 per week
there must be deducted rental ($13 per month) and other expenses, leaving,
possibly, $20 earnings for a full week; $560 for a
year, on a basis of
28
weeks, or
an average of $11 per
week.
The contractor is usually an
operator or other
worker
who becomes imbued with the desire
to set up for himself.
Excessive competition among
the
small
contractors has contributed
to the bad economic state of
aifairs in the garment
trades. The contractor is between the upper
mill-stone and
the manufacturer and the nether mill-stone of the workman,
forced to take the prices of the one and trying to
make the utmost possible out of the other. Some few have
saved enough to become manufacturers themselves. Some
of the old established manufacturing firms have retired
from business as the result of the competition of this new
element.
In actual money gains, the
contractors whose earnings
have been estimated are better off than their
workmen.
Many said that if they could get their little capital back
they would probably
return to their former occupation-at least for a time, for the desire to
be a "boss" is strong
and would doubtless lead to other attempts.
In the cloak trades we find a somewhat better state
of
affairs than in the clothing. The shop is part of the plant
of the
manufacturer himself
and under his direct surveillance. Besides being
well lighted and ventilated the
shops have machine power. There is in this
trade comparatively
little work given out to contractors, though there
is
some, especially in busy seasons.
An operator on first class ladies' cloaks and suits
earns about $30
in a full week's time, and as
there is about
half
year's work in a year, his earnings are about $750 per
year, or an average of $20 per week.
A presser on first class work
averages about $18 per
week
a full week, but as the work in a year is not more than about
two-thirds time, the earnings are about $700 per year,
a
weekly average of
$14.
Finishers (girls) average about $8, in
a full week,
have
about 30 weeks' work and, therefore, earn about $240
per
year.
In the clothing trade the
yearly earnings ranged
from
$125 for finishers (who are young women), to
$360
for
operators, with $300 as the average for the majority,
between
these being the basters at $175, and the pressers at $250.
In the cloak trade, the conditions,
as
bas been noted,
are better not only with respect to the
physical but the economic
status
as well.
The condition of the cigar
makers is much better, on the
whole, than that of the workers in the
needle industries.
Earnings of between
$500
and
$600
per
year, or an average of from $10 to $12 per week, would be a fair estimate.
The people are branching out
into various trades, but there are none which employ such large numbers or
in which the conditions are peculiar, so as
to call for specific
mention.
Peddling is an occupation into which new immigrants
easily enter. Many earn a very precarious livelihood. Some
develop into
retail tradesmen.
A noticeable tendency to go into the profession of
medicine is to be observed. Many a
Russian Jew with intellectual ability
will be laying plans to go from the shop into medical practice. Law,
dentistry and pharmacy are the other favorite
professions.
Some of the Russian Jewish people are rising to
comfortable positions in the professions and commerce.
Among the employers of labor there are several doing thousands of
dollars' worth of
business yearly. There are merchants md manufacturers, some who still
live in the southern section of the city, others who have moved up town,
among the prosperous elements of the community. Economieally, they
can, of
course, now take care of themselves, but their rise upwards
has often
been severe and hazardous.
Real estate purchases are a growing element in the
economic progress of the population; many a comfortable sum is made
through their means.
Some of the bank accounts would astonish the
unknowing. So, too, the growing number of those who become insured is
indicative of foresightedness and prosperity.
One Russian
Jewish insurance agent
in the down-town district has a number of insured which would surprise
those who know merely the outward aspects of the district.
From our
examination of the conditions of the needle
industries, the keen and difficult struggle that is going on among the
masses is readily seen. Many an
one used to a well-to-do existence can hardly conceive how some of the men
get along on their slender incomes, for they often must support a large
family. Instances are familiar in
which a worker has a whole bevy of children, all too young to aasist
in meeting the wanta of a family, and the wife with
her hands full looking after the needs of the little ones.
In busy season the employees are required to work
long hours, sometimes as high
as fifteen,
perhaps eighteen, a day. In slack season they must
wait for the work that is doled
out to them. Where time enters at all into the measurement
of the pay, the employers endeavor to stretch it
without giving corresponding pay. There seem to be numerow devices by
which the workers can be taken advantage of.
The character of the work varies so much in any one trade
that it seems difficult to regulate the prices
unless by the most iron-clad
arrangement, backed by the force of strong
organization. But the weakness of the organizations has
been apparent in the past. Sometimes they have been affiliated
with one general labor organization, sometime with another. They are now
welded together under the United Garment
Workers of America, into which they
have gone during the past few years. With the exception of the Cutters' Union the membership of these organizations
is almost entirely composed of Russian
Jews.
The competition of unorganized labor, especially of
women and of people in the country towns, makes the regulation of the
trade exceedingly difficult, and tends, of course,
to the aggravation of
the conditions regarding hours an wages.
Surveying the entire field, emphasis has been laid
on
the
conditions in the needle industries, because of their
importance
as to the numbers dependent upon them and the peculiar economic
arrangements. The displacement of the outside shops alleviates the sanitary
and economic conditions. Many of the
contractors,
as foremen or superintendents, are enabled to
earn as much in wages as they
formerly did in a mad endeavor to obtain profits; and the competition for
prices being removed, there is a steadier
regulation as between the workers and the
manufacturers. Factories as part of the plant of the
manufacturers, with control by
them, assisted by government inspection, and the abrogation of
the contractors' shops, enable a better regulation of
hours and wages.
We have, then, a population of
much intellectual
and
moral strength capable of
large economic advance, requiring better physical influences and checks on
individualistic
tendencies.
1
The writer is indebted to Miss Helen Marot and Miss Caroline L.
Pratt for some of the data furnished in reference to the clothing
trade. |