The
Russian Jew comes from a country
where despotism holds sway, where he has had little chance for the
exercise of political privileges. He comes here with a tradition
so different from ours
that at first he is bewildered by the political conditions. He observes
contradictions and complications. His spirit is foreign to the American
and Anglo-Saxon, which seemingly tolerates many abuses until it is ready
to act. His attitude is apt to be cynical or indifferent; and in either
case he may fall in with the prevailing notions of politics, with all
that they imply. Or he may, by virtue of the unsatisfactory condition of
his economic life and because of an idealism typical of a certain class of Russian thinkers be in constant revolt against the powers that be,
actively joining in the meetings and demonstrations in behalf of the
Anarchist or the Socialist cause, and refraining from co-operation with
the regular political parties. If the Russian Jew is a young man born on
American soil, or one who came here at an early age, he is likely to
imbibe the American and Anglo-Saxon tradition, and may be like the
ordinary easy-going American, or like the American who "is in it for all
it is worth," or of those who are fighting for reform, or finally, among
those who desire an entire change of the social system.
The study of practical
politics among a particular class will reveal many features of the general
condition. The large American cities present the worst sides of American
practical politics, and Philadelphia stands out in unholy, pre-eminent
glory in this respect, for here the overwhelming control by politicians of
both state and city have made possible the corruptions of politics in an
extreme degree.
Politics, to the ordinary
American mind, imply a business, conducted by a regularly organized band
who have secured control of public offices, public franchises, and public
influences of all kinds, and use them for their personal purposes, and
for extending their authority as nonofficial controllers of the public
purses of the citizens. He
who wishes something in the political
line must go to one of this band. In every section of the city, in the
various wards and divisions, there are those who are known to have a "pull." They do not necessarily hold office; their power depends on their
influence in the political organization. The ordinary American citizen,
with his blind worship of party politics, bows to the will of this
organization, and is subservient to its leaders.
Should it be a matter of surprise,
therefore, that the immigrant from Russian and Eastern Europe, with such a
conception placed before him, should succumb to the temptations to which
many a so-called American citizen succumbs, or be as indifferent to
political effort as this same American citizen? Can it be a matter for
wonder if the teachers of practical politics, the "heelers," and the "rounders," are such as we allow to control our wards and divisions, that
they graduate from their schools the promising pupils of nationalities and
classes whose votes and influence are desired? To anyone who knows our
politics as conducted it must be clear what sort of tools a politician
will use, and we consequently find a coterie of Russian Jewish workers
fully as unscrupulous as their leaders; and being poor men, with small
ways for the low class work they do, their actions present a most unlovely
appearance. But from the point of view of public morality they are not
worse than leaders who do their work with all the semblance of decorum.
The wards in which the Russian
Jewish population chiefly resides are the First, Second, Third, Fourth and
Fifth, covering an area of nearly two square miles. The boundaries are,
Chestnut Street on the north from Delaware
River to Seventh Street; the Delaware River on the East to the foot of Mifflin Street; Mifflin Street on the south to Passyunk Avenue; thence
north along Passyunk Avenue to Ellsworth Street, to Broad Street; thence
with Broad Street as the western boundary to South Street; along South
Street to Seventh Street, and up Seventh to Chestnut Street.
It should be noted that there
is very little Jewish population in the northern end of this section
above Spruce Street.
The number of votes will grow
not only because of increased naturalization among those of the
population born abroad, but because of the young men coming of age.
It must be borne in mind that we are
considering a population which began to migrate to this country in large
numbers in 1882, so that only in 1903 did the first American-born
descendants of this main body become voters. All other must go through the
form of naturalization.
There was a second large stream of
immigration in the early nineties, and a larger naturalization as a result
of this has
doubtless taken place in the last few years, five years being required for
the acquiring of citizenship. The younger men, born abroad, but in touch
with our institutions, naturally proceed to become naturalized as soon as
they attain the age of twenty-one
years.
In national politics some of the
Russian Jews are Republicans, some Democrats, and some Socialists. With the strongly prevalent Republican party sentiment in this
city one would
naturally expect to find many in the ranks
of this party, yet there was a
strong current of feeling for Bryan and Debs in one campaign. In the Third
Congressional District fight for a seat in the national Hose of
Representatives, many took an active part for McAleer,
the Democratic incumbent, who was
running for re-election against the Republican machine candidate. A
committal of Jewish representatives, the Hebrew McAleer Campaign
Committee, assisted in the campaign, and a number of meetings were held
under its auspices.
There can be no question of a strong
Socialist sentiment. When a prominent Socialist speaker addresses a meeting
he can count upon an audience of fully five hundred persons. The
Socialist newspapers are read in goodly numbers. At labor, social and
literary gatherings, Socialism is an active, interesting subject of
discussion.
I have been much impressed with the
nobility of purpose which inspires leading Socialists among the
Russian Jewish
population. The ordinary politician, the party American, the political
reformer even, may regard it as a fanaticism, a vain striving after an
impossible ideal. And yet it is helping to educate the community in
social responsibility; it stands for a purity which will some day help to
cleanse the city of some of its political dirt. Many of the more
intelligent Russian Jewish men and women are Socialists. They are animated
by a strong propagandist spirit and are helpful to the leaders of the
Socialist cause.
The radical and reactionary
element of the other enemy is the Anarchist. It is not so strong in
numbers as the Socialist. Most of the members
of this party are philosophical Anarchists and not the red-handed
agitators pictured by the newspapers.
Mere political reform, or
municipal reform, does not find much favor. I remember addressing a
society composed of Russian Jews on the subject of political reform, and
besides giving my own views quoted those of John Jay Chapman. I was told
in the discussion which followed that the description of the political
disease as it had been presented was as strong as any of their most radical members could give, but the remedy was "Oh!
so weak; it was like
attempting to cure a thoroughly diseased body with a porous plaster."
I was not surprised, therefore, to find
that there was very little affiliation with the independent municipal
party, the Municipal League. Here again they were not different from their
neighbors, for it has been difficult to maintain Municipal League
organizations in the wards to which our discussion is being confined.
The Jews of older residence here, those
of the immigra
tions
before the Russian migration of the early eighties, have always held aloof
from any movement looking to the concentration of a so-called Jewish vote,
and the formation of any political organization composed wholly of Jews.
Such organization is much more possible among the Russian Jewish population,
because of its settlement in large masses in one district, with a
community interest of race and religion intensified by close social union
and mutual responsibilities and needs. In this district there are other
nationalities which form distinct groups, such as the Italians and the
negroes. There are also Irish and Americans.
The Russian Jews have not voted
as a class for one particular party, but have organized distinctive clubs
and committees for one party or another. The objections to such
organizations are well set forth in a petition to the court in 1895 against
the granting of a charter to the Fourth Ward Hebrew Republican Club. It
stated that it was "a racial or religious political club," that it was against public policy in that it tends to the
union of church and state;" that its objects "tend to introduce religion
into politics and to excite racial and religious prejudice." Adolph Eichholz,
who acted as attorney for the objector, wrote as follows to the counsel of
the club, expressing views generally held by Jews of older residence:
"...Not only is it opposed
to the spirit of American institutions that any set
of men belonging to one race or to one religious denomination should band
themselves together for political purposes, but it is also reason ably
certain that the members of such organizations will be made the victims of
unscrupulous schemes. One of the prime motives prompting the filing of
these exceptions on the part of a co-religionist is a solicitude for the
welfare of the misguided members and prospective members of this and all
other so-called 'Hebrew' and 'Jewish' political clubs. The organizers of
such clubs are, as a rule, men who for their own selfish ends, use this
means of impressing party leaders with the fact that they control a large
number of 'Hebrew' votes. Organizations formed upon such lines must
necessarily interfere with the elevation of the standard of true
citizenship. Hebrew citizens take an interest in politics, and there is no
reason why they should not do so after the manner of all other citizens,
but their politics activity has been and should be solely and purely that
of good, loyal, and patriotic American citizens regardless of
what may have been the
country of their birth and independent of any religious belief or racial
connections.
"In the past those who held more
exalted views of citizenship have necessarily been limited to merely
persuading others from joining such anti-American organizations. Now that
judicial approval is sought it becomes a duty to interpose more formal
objections."
That the agglomeration of
masses of foreigners into separate political organizations of voters is
subversive of their best interests as citizens there can be no doubt. The
Russian Jewish element, like other elements of foreign origin in the
down-town section, is in the habit of working unitedly and finds it natural
to form political clubs. The common religion is but one feature that
differentiates this body from the rest of the community; and the effect of
this feature ought not to be exaggerated, where division along racial lines
in the lower part of the city is so common.
The attempts to conduct
political organizations have met with obstacles among Russian Jews, because
of individualism of this population, which owing to jealousies constantly
disrupts. The United Citizens' Club, which was organized for the
protection of Jewish immigrants and citizens, and which has a membership
of about a thousand, participated in the campaign of the winter of 1904,
supporting the Democratic ticket. During active
political campaigns clubs are organized, but when the excitement of the
campaign dies out the interest in the clubs flags, and the promoter of the
club, a candidate or a ward leader, often finds it difficult to maintain
it. Some of the clubs, like many other clubs, no matter what the class of
its members, flourish as card-playing concerns.
The Russian Jewish politician
has been able to gain but little in party power in this city. The willing
tool of the political boss, he bewails the fact that he cannot control a
large Jewish vote, so that his influence will be stronger. As a division "heeler," he controls a number of votes and is rewarded with some petty
office, or opportunity, which will enable him to "squeeze" his neighbors.
Public offices held by this
population are insignificant in importance and small in number. They
include a member of the Board of Education, two common councilmen, several
school directors, some police officers, constables, and park employees.
The negro must be a much more valuable political worker from the point of
view of the office distributers, for of 170 city employees from the Fifth
Ward, when inquiry was made some years ago, about 40 were
negroes.1
When we come to the matter of a
controllable vote, the subject is difficult,-- that is to say, it is
difficult to point out which element of our entire city population is the
worst offender in this respect. The
Russian Jews doubtless
contribute a quota. Some are said to sell their votes outright; others to
vote according to the instructions of the police officials who protect
them against the rigorous enforcement of ordinances. For example, the push
cart dealers and peddlers must have licenses and are required to be kept
moving. Police officials can exercise their "discretion" if a peddler
will vote as they direct. The dealer who has his shop open on Sunday can
secure protection against enforcement of the Sunday law if he is "in
with" the police. Many a practice which violates the law can be
connived at if the violator will vote the "right way." He may, in
addition, have to secure "immunity" through other considerations
as well.
The system of illicit protection and control among this population does
not differ in principle from that in other sections of the city; it merely
varies according to the nature of the business. The politicians in control
of the city know the means of exploitation
available. The Philadelphia Ledger, in an article in its issue of
December
11, 1904, on "The Organization and Extortion," contained the following: "The small
dealers along South Street and Second Street, Germantown, Frankford a
Kensington Avenues are subjected to an almost perpetual demand for both
money and services. In the Third and Fifth Wards the merchants are coerced
into padding the assessor's lists; to recognize non-resident
office-holders as inmates of their own homes, and to hand up money
regularly to the
accredited representatives of the organization. They get, for their money
and service, the right to use the sidewalk beyond the three-foot line for
displaying their wares, and they may employ barkers without fear of
molestation. The toll upon these merchants ranges all the way from 25 cents to
$5 a week each. The same applies to push cart men and itinerant peddlers,
who, in addition paying the usual peddlers' tax to the city, must submit to
petty larceny at the hands of the police, who take all manner of small wares
without even saying 'by your leave.' The money and goods thus taken from
small dealers and peddlers amounts in the aggregate to thousands dollars
annually."
The Russian Jews as a class
are capable of political thought far superior to that of any other foreign
element which the slum politician seeks to control, and with the growth of a
body of young voters who are coming of age the intelligent voting population
will become stronger and stronger. These young men are showing an active
interest in political and social subjects, and if their present interest
is
any indication of their strength of action as voters we may look to a
vigorous political element. If they realize their opportunity and are not
swamped by the desire for mere material success, they can become a
powerful factor which will help to redeem us from the degradation of all
politics.
Many of these young men, brought up in
the public schools, living to a considerable degree in the environment of the
average American, imbued with the spirit of patriotism, will with the socialists and the thinkers of the older generation, form
a body of voters possessing a high, intelligent idea of citizenship. They
will have a principle which will place them in the van with those who are
working for
political and social ideals.