A consideration of the status of any people
would be incomplete without determining the effect of their geographical
situation. This is particularly applicable to the Jews, because of their
remarkable adaptability to environment. The Jew in America is still a
stranger in a strange land. True, there are a few who can boast of two or
three generations in this country, but they are largely in the minority.
There is only one noteworthy tendency that can
be observed in the distribution of the Jews in this country that is
different from the tendencies in other large classes of immigrants.
Scandinavian immigrants, for instance, are largely found in one section of
the country, in the wheatfields of the Northwest. Italians are where there
is need for laborers in gangs or for what might be termed itinerant labor.
The Slavs from Russia and Austria are in the mining districts. These three
large classes of immigrants move along simple, well-defined lines. The
distribution of the Jews, though not so well defined on the surface, is
due to tendencies that are peculiar to himself. Having been a city-dweller
for centuries, the love for city life is strong within him. We cannot
therefore expect to find him on the prairies of the West, in the coal
mines of the East or the plantations of the South. We see him in the
larger cities of the country, New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, St. Louis,
Cincinnati, San Francisco and others nearly as large; and wherever he is
found in the smaller towns and villages, the original settlement, we can
rest assured, was made by those whose headquarters had first been a large
city in the vicinity.
This being practically the only phenomenon to be observed in the
distribution of the Jew in America, how meager was our knowledge of the
situation, and how unsatisfactory and discouraging to those who realized
that the peculiar conditions attendant upon the large influx of Jews and
their consequent congestion in the sea-port towns
made it necessary that they be distributed. Either the courage of those
who undertook the enterprise must be commended or the pressing need
deplored, or, perhaps, both. Artificial distribution was begun four years
ago and the movement, self-styled "Industrial Removal," has become known
in every city and town in the country where Jews are to be found. Whether
this stimulated distribution will show results markedly different from
those consequent upon a more natural distribution cannot, of course, be
accurately determined for some time. Be that as it may, however, the
movement itself is most interesting and the results thus far obtained will
be instructive in throwing some little light upon the question as a whole.
In consequence of the many restrictive laws of Roumania, there began in
the year 1900 a large influx of Roumanian Jews into this country. The
normal Jewish immigration then averaged about 45,000 annually, the
majority of whom remained in New York, which city already at that time
contained over 500,000. This large immigration has been going on since
1881; over 70 per cent of those who arrived in the United States remained
in New York. One of the results of this movement was the gradual
congestion of the immigrant population in one part of the city, called the
East Side. So much has been published of the conditions prevailing in the
so-called New York Ghetto that it is not necessary here to dwell upon
them.
Those who were actively interested in the question of Jewish immigration
realized that, though the conditions in Roumania demanded the continuance
of this immigration, it was essential to divert the stream away from New
York. They understood, too, that the problem of Jewish immigration to the
United States was not local merely because the vast majority of ocean
steamships disembarked their human cargoes in the harbor of New York. They
argued that these people do not come to New York; they come to America,
and so the question of immigration is of national interest; that is to
say, it was incumbent on Jews all over the country to help bear the burden
of caring for these friendless refugees and making them self-supporting.
The plan to be pursued, therefore, must be one by which the immigrants
were to be distributed all over the country, in towns where economic and
industrial conditions are better than in the metropolis.
The question that arose in the minds of these men was how to arouse the
Jewish communities to a sense of their duty in accepting as many as they
had reasonable assurance of placing in self-supporting positions. What
agency could be employed that would effectively reach these communities?
The answer to this query was the Independent Order B'nai B'rith. It was
peculiarly fitted to undertake the stupendous task of distributing these
immigrants upon their arrival by virtue of its character as a strong and
comprehensive organization, represented in most important towns and cities
in the Union. The Executive Committee of the B'nai B'rith issued bulletins
to the various lodges in the West and South, explaining the situation,
earnestly requesting them to organize in such a way as to make it possible
to effect the purpose in view. As a result of the encouraging assurance of
co-operation on the part of these lodges, a committee was organized in New
York for the purpose of handling the situation in systematic fashion. This
committee established a local office, whose business it became to open
communication with the lodges which had responded, and to prosecute the
work of distribution practically.
In a short time it was discovered that there were many difficulties in the
way of conducting this work successfully, by no means the least of which
was the necessity of overcoming the unwillingness of the newly-arrived
Roumanians to leave New York after they had found friends and relatives
there. Owing to this difficulty, and also to the fact that there were many
Jews in New York from other countries who were also out of work, the
subject acquired a new aspect. The conviction forced itself upon the minds
of the committee that in order not to augment the congestion in New York,
particularly in view of the fact that in addition to the Roumanians, there
were thousands of Russians and Galicians constantly coming, it was
necessary that a process of clearing the way should be put into execution.
The number of Roumanians sent away was so small as hardly to affect the
conditions here; and, as these conditions were not improving, it was
decided to extend the privilege to all of our co-religionists who were out
of work and who showed promise of becoming self-supporting. This
conviction showed itself in a practical manner in the establishment of the
Industrial Removal Office in February of 1901.
Removal work was undertaken with well-defined purposes in view. On the one
hand it was to assist in making self-supporting those unemployed Jews of
New York who were willing to go West or South. On the other hand these
persons were to become the centres of attraction for others in Europe who
were destined for the United States. That is to say, they were to become a
means to divert those immigrants from New York to various points in the
interior who would under any circumstances come to this country, and who
would otherwise take up their domicile in New York. As far as the former
function is concerned, the Industrial Removal Office is a philanthropic
institution seeking to better the social and economic conditions of New
York Jews. The other purpose it is seeking to carry out is broader and has
as its motive the desire to establish a permanent plan of relief for
thousands of Jews, who in the aggregate present a serious problem to
American Jewry. The movement in its conception is thoroughly rational and
scientific, because it is, so to speak, cleansing and inoculating the
entire body by local treatment, and in so doing it is at the same time
helping to relieve the local distress.1
Hon. Frank P. Sargent, Commissioner General of Immigration,2
stated: "In my judgment the smallest part of the duty to be discharged in
successfully handling alien immigrants with a view to the protection of
the people and institutions of this country is that part now provided for
by law. Its importance, though undeniable, is relatively of secondary
moment. It cannot, for example, compare in practical value with, nor can
it take the place of measures to insure the distribution of the many
thousands who come in ignorance of the industrial needs and opportunities
of this country, and, by a more potent law than that of supply and demand,
which speaks to them here in an unknown tongue, colonizes alien
communities in our great cities. Such colonies are a menace to the
physical, moral and political security of the country. They are hotbeds
for the propagation and growth of those false ideas of political and
personal freedom, whose germs have been vitalized by ages of oppression
under unequal and partial laws, which find their first concrete expression
in resistance to the constituted authority, even occasionally in the
assassination of the lawful agents of that authority. They are the
breeding grounds, also, of moral depravity; the centres of propagation of
physical disease. Above all, they are the congested places in the
industrial body which check the free circulation of labor to those parts
where it is most needed and where it can be most benefited. Do away with
them and the greatest peril of immigration will be removed."
The Commissioner's official recommendation was anticipated when the
Removal Office was established; that is to say, artificial distribution is
of itself one of the strongest advocates of unrestricted immigration and
will continue to be so as long as it is effective. Whether the Removal
Office has been effective in carrying out its objects can be judged by the
actual results thus far obtained. Though four years seem a very short time
in which to paw upon the results of the work, it is not excessive
enthusiasm that prompts those engaged in it to say that it has evolved out
of its experimental stage and has shown its necessity for continuing, so
long as large members of Jews emigrate. Of course the movement must be
judged in its two aspects. As a philanthropic undertaking it has assisted
over 16,000 persons to become self-supporting, who before were on the
verge of dependency. So far as its second function is concerned, the
results, though not quite so definite, are still encouraging to a
surprising degree, as those results were not expected to be seen for years
to come. The percentage of those Jewish immigrants who remained in the
city in the years 1898 and 1899 was 79.9 per cent and 79.2 per cent
respectively. These, it should be noted, are the two years preceding the
establishment of the Removal Office. In the year 1903, two years
thereafter, the percentage of immigrants who remained in New York was 71.9
per cent, showing that about 8 per cent more left for the interior in that
year than in 1898 and 1899. Though this is not conclusive evidence that
the diversion of Jewish immigration has been effected so quickly, yet this
discrepancy is due in a large degree to this artificial distribution. The
records of the Removal Bureau also show a large number of persons that
went into the interior directly from Europe to persons originally sent
away by the Bureau from New York, who for the most part would have come to
the seaport metropolis had their relatives remained there.
The results could have been much more imposing were it not for a two-fold
obstacle that has largely hampered the activities of the Bureau. It has
taxed the energies of the management to the utmost to adjust and reconcile
in every practical and legitimate manner the prejudice and timidity of the
immigrant with the same qualities--in a different form--as the majority of
the people of the interior communities. It has been a process mainly of
gaining the confidence of the beneficiary on the one hand and of the
benefactor on the other. The interior communities, realizing in a large
degree the extreme and pressing necessity for the work, still failed at
the beginning to thoroughly grasp the situation; there was a sentimental
desire on their part to help the refugees from Eastern European
oppression, but when they found that the practical manner of helping them
along the lines of the Removal Office meant not only sacrifice of time and
money, but real annoyance and disagreeable experiences, then their
charitable sentiment received a shock, from which some have not recovered
to this day. Industrial conditions all over the country have also been
such as to force restrictions upon orders for people and prevented the
removal of some deserving persons who have been so unfortunate as not to
come within the requirements demanded by the communities of the interior.
All this has been the great difficulty on the one side. The obstacle to be
met with in New York, on the other, has been the unwillingness on the part
of the majority of the people to leave the city. Not merely have the
attractions of the wonderful seaport metropolis held them back, but
ignorance and consequent fear of the unknown and mysterious have largely
deterred them from applying at the Bureau. Only such as have been
possessed of a comparatively fearless and independent character, or who
have received encouraging reports from friends or relatives in the
interior have had the courage to ask that they be sent away. This forced
selection, artificial in a large measure, will probably show results
different from that brought about by a natural distribution. What this
difference will be is hard to conjecture.
The Bureau has attempted to settle some of the more promising men in the
small towns of the South and the West where few or no Jews are found. In a
number of cases such settlement has been permanent, but better success can
be obtained in settling the people in the smaller towns when such towns
are within a reasonable distance of some large city. The Bureau's
experience has shown that the best results can be obtained where the
artificial distribution observes as closely as possible the natural law of
distribution mentioned before. Indeed, of late the exigencies of the work
have also helped to gradually develop a system of agencies in the large
cities, which already have begun to place a portion of those sent them to
the small towns and villages in their immediate vicinities.
Though this law of distribution is practically the only definite
phenomenon that has appeared, it cannot be doubted that the movement
contains far-reaching possibilities. What the effect of this distribution
will be ethnically, what it will be religiously, as well as what it will
be economically are questions of intense interest, which unfortunately
cannot be answered at the present time.
Then, too, the question can be viewed from the subjective standpoint; that
is, not merely as to the effect upon those removed, but what will it be
upon those who are good enough to receive them? Among the many communities
that have been enlisted in the cause of removal and who co-operate with
warmth and sympathy with the Bureau are such as were practically
altogether isolated from the rest of American Jewry until after the visit
of the Bureau's representative. Such a visit not only succeeded in
arousing their interest in removal work, but encouraged interest in other
Jewish questions. In other words "removal " has already shown itself to be
a factor in arousing among our country cousins what is commonly called, in
the pulpit, a Jewish consciousness.
It is too obvious to require comment that a great many dependents apply at
charitable institutions who are out of employment because there is no work
to be found in their peculiar line. However, there may be a demand for
workmen of just such trades in other cities in the Union. That is to say,
much poverty is caused by the immobility of labor, and "inter-removal," so
to speak, is a method of reducing this evil. For the present, of course,
no such general scheme of removal would be justifiable in view of the
pressing needs of the seaport metropolis, which is laboring under the
enormous burden of a stupendous immigration. But should the happy time
come when the stream of immigration is successfully diverted from New York
to many points in the interior, then such a scheme would undoubtedly be
instrumental in helping a great many poor, deserving persons and families
in becoming self-supporting, and in a manner containing elements of
smaller danger than any other form of charity.
The immigration of nearly one million Jews to this country since 1881 has
made necessary various plans for their welfare, of which that for their
distribution throughout the country should receive hearty encouragement.
1 For detailed information
of the actual results of removal work see reports of Jewish Agricultural
and Industrial Aid Society for 1901, 1902 and 1908. See also paper read
before Jewish Chautauqua Summer Assembly in 1908 and paper read before the
Third Conference of Jewish Charities in the United States, New York, 1904.
2 Annual Report of the Commissioner General of Immigration,
1903, p. 60.
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