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There are Hebraists who believe
that when the poet of the captivity made Israel exclaim, "Wo
is me that I sojourn in Meshech," he had in mind the ancestors of
the present Russian nation and a country which now forms part of
Russian territory. This would bring the date when Israelite and
Muscovite first came in contact back to Biblical times. It is, at
any rate, not later than the eighth or ninth century. In the
memorable letter written in the tenth century by Joseph, the Jewish
king of the Khozars to Chasdai ibn Shaprut, the Jewish diplomatist
of Abdul Rahman of Cordova, the Russians are first mentioned in
connection with Jewish history, and moreover, as adversaries, being
enumerated among the nations with whom he was constantly at war. The
Russians ultimately overthrew the Khozar kingdom, and large numbers
of Khozars and original Jews who were attracted to the Jewish state
were dispersed in the Russian dominions. Jews were also found in the
many places which one by one fell into Russia's hands in the course
of its expansion. The aversion of the Russians to allowing Jews to
dwell among them did not manifest itself apparently at this early
period.
There are records of
Jewish settlements in Kieff and other old towns and of independent
communities in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. There were also
important Jewish communities in Little Russia and White Russia
during the long periods when these provinces formed part of the
Lithuanian or Polish dominions. Many Jews also came to Russia in the
wake of the Tatar invasion in the thirteenth century, and occupied
important positions, mostly as farmers of the revenue, a
circumstance which contributed much to increase the sentiment
against Jews among the Russians. But Russia proper, that is, modern,
autocratic, Greek Catholic Russia, practically never admitted Jews
within its boundaries.
Ivan IV, "The Terrible," flatly
refused the request of Sigismund August, King of Poland, to allow
Lithuanian Jews to trade in Russia. Alexis Michailovitch, the second
of the Romanoffs, expelled the Jews from Mohilew when it fell into
his hands. It was, therefore, after the acquisition of Lithuania and
other parts of dismembered Poland that Russia found itself ruling
over vast numbers of Jews whom it could not easily expel, and it is
only since that time that the history of the Jews in Russia really
commences.
The Polish and Lithuanian Jews
whom we now call by the collective name of Jews of Russia are mostly
of German extraction. Little is known of the Jews in Poland before
the first Crusade at the end of the eleventh century. There is every
reason to believe, however, that there were Jewish settlements in
Poland before that Period and that its members, like the Jews of
early Russia, spoke the Slavic language of their Gentile neighbors.
But the steady influx of Jews from Germany after each of the long
series of persecutions which began in that country with the first
Crusade brought about a preponderance of the German element among
the Jews of Poland, even to the extent of forcing the minority to
adopt the language of the new arrivals. This is not the only
instance of a foreign tongue being forced by a great
mass of Jewish
immigrants on small, indigenous Jewish communities. There are Jews
in the Barbary states in northern Africa whose forefathers came
there with their fierce countrymen at the time of the Mohammedan
invasion, direct from the plains and deserts of Arabia. But the
number of Spanish Jews who followed during the great persecutions of
the fourteenth century, and after their expulsion at the end of the
fifteenth century, so overwhelmed them in numbers and intelligence
that we now find descendants of Arabian tribesmen who never set foot
on the Pyrenean peninsula using as their mother tongue the corrupt
Spanish dialect known as Ladino. So, too, we find in Russia, Jews
descended from Khozars or from Babylonian Jews who came to their
present abode by way of Persia and the Caucasus, from Turkestan or
from Kurdistan, now speaking the imported mixed German dialect
which for want of a better name we call Yiddish. The remnants of the
Russian-speaking and Polish-speaking Jewish communities were rooted
out during the terrible massacres at the time of the rising of the
Haidomaki, or Cossacks, under Bogdan Chmielnicki in 1648-49, when
entire communities were exterminated and nearly a quarter million
Jews lost their lives. Allowing for local variations in the
characteristics and the dialects of different provinces and for
foreign influences in the border governments, the Yiddish-speaking,
semi-Germanic, Polish, and Lithuanian Jews that came under Russian
rule at the end of the eighteenth century formed an almost
homogeneous entity.
This mass was a secluded
and degraded middle class little in touch with the current of Polish
national feeling; for the persecutions and restrictive measures of
the last two centuries of Polish misrule reduced what was the
happiest Jewry in Europe during the Middle Ages to the lowest depths
of servility and stupor. Catharine II was too busy and Paul I too
mad to take important steps to solve the Jewish problem, which now
became one of the great problems of the empire. Alexander I was the
first who seriously attempted to do something toward that end. He
opened to the Jews what little educational facilities Russia had at
that time, and he is reported to have said that he would be well
satisfied, indeed, if all that was spent under him for Jewish
education should contribute to the production of one man like
Mendelssohn. The good monarch did not stop to consider that a nation
must first be able to produce a Herder, a Lessing, a Kant, or a
Lavater before a Mendelssohn could rise in its midst. Mendelssohn's
greatness lay not in his philosophy. That part of Poland over which
Alexander I ruled, produced, in the eighteenth century, a much
profounder metaphysician than the sage of Dessau, namely, Salomon
Maimon. But Mendelssohn, the polite scholar and man of the world,
living among a nation that had already attained a high degree of
culture and refinement, had only to teach his fellow Jews by example
to adjust themselves to the surrounding circumstances, to learn the
language and the manners of their Christian neighbors, so as to be
fit for emancipation. True, it would greatly benefit the Jews of
Russia if they adopted the Russian language as their mother tongue.
But here the analogy ends. Bad as the condition of the Jews was then
and is now--and were it even much worse,--it would still be a
retrogressive step for them to pattern themselves after the
Russians, that is, to place themselves on their low material or
mental level.
This inferiority of the vast
majority of the Russian people makes it difficult for outsiders to
comprehend and for the government to solve the vexatious Jewish
problem. A foreigner who takes a flying trip to Russia, stops at
first-class hotels, converses in French with university-bred
men, and beholds,
figuratively speaking, through the window of his car or equipage,
the thin veneer of civilization which can be imported for money,
usually reaches the conclusion that Russia occupies as high a
position in the scale of civilization as the United States, for
example; perhaps a higher one. But the truth is that the Russians
that is eighty-five or ninety per cent of them--are so much below
everything we know here that we would have to go to the illiterate
Southern negro for a familiar example of their mental capacity. The
Russian may be styled the unhappy medium between the Asiatic and the
European, possessing the low cunning of the former without his
stoicism and the brutal aggressiveness of the other without his
fairness or activity. Left to himself, the Russian is a most
helpless human being and the willing slave of every one who wants to
be his master. The percentage of Jews, Germans, Poles, and other
non-Russians among the artists, scholars, merchants, and
manufacturers, and even among the government employees of Russia, is
so large, in spite of all the favors shown to Russians, and all the
disadvantages under which the non-Russians have to labor, as almost
to justify Pobiedonostseff's statement that the Jews must be
discriminated against because the Russians are not able to compete
with them on equal terms. This is the real cause of the persecutions
and of the special laws,
and it makes improvement of the
Jews largely contingent on the improvement of the condition of the
Russians.
Naturally, the government of
Russia never admitted that it was the Russian and not the Jew who
must be lifted up in order to bring about a solution of the problem.
Its policy toward the Jews was, from the beginning, mostly
in the direction
of forcing him out of his natural position as the middleman, as the
artisan-trader, and of turning him, often by the most cruel and
violent means, into the ranks of the agricultural laborer, the
journeyman, and the factory hand, positions for which he has no
special aptitude. The well-meaning, but rather feeble, Alexander I,
did not accomplish much, and his successor, the iron-willed
and energetic Nicholas I, evinced such a strong desire to convert
the Jews of his dominion to the Greek Catholic religion, that they
looked with suspicion even on the efforts he earnestly made in other
directions to improve their condition. His enterprises on behalf of
Jewish education, which were made through his minister of education,
the illustrious Count 0uvaroff, are especially interesting because
they made a lasting impression on the development of Russo-Jewish
intelligence, and are a fair sample of the method by which the
Russian government deals with the Jews.
It was evident that the Jews were
too much absorbed in the study of the Talmud and paid too little
attention to secular education. But the knowledge of the Talmud in
those days and, to some extent, even now, brought rich rewards in
communal distinction and was considered the sine qua
non of superiority. The Jewish opponents of the exclusive study
of the Talmud were the small and uninfluential circles of
maskilim, the devotees of the Mendelssohnian enlightenment which
penetrated into Russia through the efforts of Mendelssohn's numerous
Polish and Lithuanian pupils late in the eighteenth and early in the
nineteenth century. These maskilim, "the friends of light," who
believed in the regeneration of Israel by means of the knowledge of
Hebrew and German, were made known to Ouvaroff by the late Dr.
Lilienthal, who discovered them while traveling as the agent of the
Russian government for the purpose of establishing elementary
schools in the Jewish communities. Ouvaroff sided with the maskilim
and was so much influenced by their opinions of what Russian Jews
ought to study that he told Sir Moses Montefiore, when the latter
visited St. Petersburg in 1846, of his efforts "to force the Jews
to study their own language." The rabbinical schools or seminaries
which were founded in Wilna and Zhitomir in 1848 were practically
managed by the maskilim, and according to their ideas. But the new
rabbis who were to influence the Jews to accept modern ideas and to
become more Russianized lacked the chief requisite for the
rabbinical office in Russia, the knowledge of the Talmud. The
conservative masses never took kindly to these seminaries. The
graduates, who had a good secular but a poor Jewish education,
usually went to the universities and took up other professions; only
a small portion became rabbis, and none obtained prominence as
Talmudists. The seminaries continued for about a quarter century,
when they were closed because they had failed to accomplish what was
expected of them. An earlier attempt in Poland failed even more
completely. The rabbinical school of Warsaw, which flourished under
the auspices of the maskilim from 1825 to 1862, had the unique
distinction that not one of its pupils ever became a rabbi--unless
the "Rev." Christian David Ginsburg be considered one.
But the maskilim were
not the only ones instrumental in the failure of the rabbinical
schools to bring about better results. The government, by its
efforts to convert the Jews to Christianity, by decreeing measures
of persecution, like the expulsion of Jews from places within fifty
versts of the frontier, at the time when privileges were granted to
educated Jews, caused the religious masses to look with suspicion on
the seminaries as on a veiled agency for converting them. The
extortionate "candle tax," which supported the Jewish schools, was
also very obnoxious, and helped to make the seminaries hated and
despised. Still, had the maskilim of the period paid more deference
to the prejudices of the conservative element, and had they
recognized the necessity for a successful spiritual leader among the
Jews of Russia to be a thorough Talmudist, the seminaries would most
probably in time have survived the early prejudices against them,
and the perplexing system of two rabbis for each community, one
"government rabbi," a secular scholar who usually knows little or
nothing about Judaism, and the other a communal rabbi, who is a
Talmudist and knows little of worldly affairs, could have been
dispensed with. The rabbinical question is now one of the most
vexing that Russian Jewry was to contend with, and the closing by
the government of the celebrated Yeshibah (Academy) of Volosin in
1892, after all its efforts to introduce in it the study of the
Russian language had failed, augmented, rather than diminished, the
difficulty. A sort of Chautauquan system of educating rabbis
introduced by the late Rabbi Isaac Elchanan of Kovno, under which
the so-called "Perushim of Kovno" studied--each by himself--has so
far not proven very successful.
However, it was only
from the religious point of view that the rabbinical seminaries
failed to achieve their purpose. It cannot be denied that they did
much good in a general way. The first fifteen years of the reign of
Alexander II (1855-1870), the short so-called "Golden Age" of the
Jews of Russia, offered many opportunities for the Jew with a
Russian education, and it is no wonder that many of the abler pupils
chose to enter careers which were far more promising than the
rabbinate. The prejudice against secular education and the suspicion
that it leads and is intended to lead to apostasy was still strong,
when suddenly under the new liberal regulations, brilliant prospects
for every Jew of ability were opened. When the professions and civil
service positions were made accessible to Jews, the number of those
who had the necessary Russian education to be able to avail
themselves of the newly offered opportunities was comparatively
small. Then came what may be termed a "rush" for education, but
before the new generation had finished its course of studies the
reaction set in and the opportunities were much diminished. However,
the impetus then given is indicated by the desire for education
which is one of the chief characteristics of the better class of
Russian Jews. Parents who were at first opposed to the desires of
their sons to become educated saw their folly and were compelled to
admit that their conservatism deprived their children of the
attainment of the affluence and distinction enjoyed by the children
of the more lenient or the more progressive.
To obtain education and
to enjoy the fruits thereof now meant a hard struggle, for only a
very small number of Jews were admitted to the universities, and few
positions were open for Jewish graduates. Fathers and mothers now
seconded their children's desire for education, which was the more
ardent the more difficult it became to obtain it. At present, the
poorer classes have almost abandoned all hope of having their
children educated, being unable to incur the expense necessary to
secure one of the few seats reserved for Jews at the higher
institutions of learning. It must be remembered that every public
favor shown or honor conferred on a Jew in Russia reflects credit on
the entire Jewish community. In Russia, as in all countries where
the masses are steeped in ignorance, the educated classes form a
sort of nobility and are considered much superior to the common
people. The Jews, therefore, take pride in every one of their
coreligionists who is added to the distinguished class, and this
gives a patriotic tinge to the anxiety to become educated and be "an
honor to Judaism." This view of education sometimes makes a
ludicrous impression when brought over to this country. We often
meet here enthusiastic young Russian Jews who fail to comprehend the
vast difference between the circumstances of both countries, and
continue to act and to speak as if they did a great favor to the
Jewish community by taking up the study of law or of medicine.
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The above incidents in
the history of the development knowledge among the Jews of
Russia may serve to show the haphazard and impractical way in
which many projects of reform are undertaken in that country
and why they so often miscarry. It is impossible to attempt
within the short space allotted to this chapter to give even
the faintest outline or the briefest resume of the immense
mass of cruel, foolish, and often contradictory laws and
regulations enacted by the Russian government in relation the
Jews. Were it even possible to enumerate them, but an
incorrect impression of the status of the Jews would remain,
because every official interprets them in his own way or
chooses to enforce what at the moment suits his object or his
fancy. One may act in one way, while his colleague in a
neighboring city may for the same reason decide in a
diametrically opposite manner. The only tendency which may be
noticed in the anti-Jewish laws the one mentioned above, to
force Jews out of the middle class. The law promulgated
by Alexander II in 1865 permitting Jewish artisans to reside
outside of the Pale of Settlement in all parts of the empire
was probably the most beneficent measure ever enacted by
Russia in favor the Jews.
photo: Map
of the Pale of Settlement. From Wikipedia |
But it was rendered almost nugatory by the later
interpretation that the handicraftsman residing outside the Pale is
prohibited from "dealing" in his own products, and may only work to
order or for other masters. The Jew was thus deprived of the
possibility of becoming an artisan-trader and small
merchant-manufacturer of Russia, and occupying a position for which
he is well adapted. The last blow at the Jewish middlemen was
delivered when the government created the whiskey monopoly, taking
it into its own hands and thus depriving about thirty thousand
Jewish, and several times as many non-Jewish, families of their
means of livelihood. It is interesting to note that even the
non-Jewish saloon keepers in Russia were but seldom Russians. The
number of saloons in the Russian empire is much larger than the
number of Russians who could keep sober if they happened to be the
sole proprietors of bottles and barrels of vodka. In the localities
where Jews are not permitted to engage in mercantile pursuits, the
liquor business was usually in the hands of Germans, Letts, and
other non-Russians. The liquor monopoly has not proven a success so
far, but as very few Russians were ruined by it, the government may
well think the experiment worth trying.
The economic condition of the
Jewish class is probably worst in Lithuania. The Jews of this
province, who are intellectually superior to those in other parts
of Russia, have the most difficult struggle for existence. The
land in Lithuania is poor, and the peasants are sunk in the lowest
depths of ignorance and poverty. With the exception of those in
Byalistock and a few other unimportant manufacturing centres, the
province contains no industries worth speaking of. The "Litvaks,"
or Lithuanian Jews, are therefore thrown back on their ingenuity
and Jewish learning for a living. They were the first immigrants
who came to inner Russia, to Germany, to England, and to the
United States. They supply the melammedim (teachers), the
cantors, the schochetim (authorized slaughterers), and all
other sorts of "reverends" for the Jews in the various countries.
Probably two-thirds of the Russian Jews outside of Russia or in
Russia outside of the Pale are from Lithuania. The most successful
Jews in the interior of Russia and at the two capitals come from
the same region.
The economic condition of the Jews in Southern Russia, which has
Odessa as its centre, is better than in Lithuania, or at least,
was better before the hard times which have prevailed there for
the last few years. The fertile soil of that part of the country
and the extensive commerce of Odessa contribute much to the
prosperity of the district. Bessarabian Jews also had little to
complain of until the recent famine which devastated the beautiful
province. In Podolia, Volhynia, and the entire part of the country
adjacent to the Austrian frontier, ignorance and poverty go hand
in hand. In Courland, where the German influence strongly
predominates and the Jews are, as a rule, highly intelligent,
although little acquainted with Jewish learning, matters have of
late been going from bad to worse. The Jews of Poland are probably
in a better economic condition than those of any other part of the
Russian empire. The government is not so solicitous of the welfare
of the Polish peasant as it is of that of the Russian, and does
not "protect" him as much from the Jewish exploiter. Thus left to
themselves, both the Jews and the peasants are much more
prosperous than in Russia. Up to the latest renewal of the
government's attempt to Russianize
Poland in the most brutal way, Jews could acquire farms and
country estates and were permitted to live in villages. In cities,
too, they enjoy more privileges than in Russia proper. This does
not at all hurt the Christian population, and Poland is today in a
better economic condition than most parts of Russia. The exiled
Jews
from Moscow have so developed the industries of
Poland, especially of Lodz, that the rapid growth of the
population and wealth of the city strongly remind one of me of the
most successful American business centres.
One of the most
noteworthy contrasts between the economic condition of Russia and
of this country is that whereas here extreme poverty is practically
confined to the large cities and is almost unknown in small towns
and villages, in Russia it is the reverse. The most abject poverty
and squalor are to be found in the smaller towns and to move to a
large city is considered a step forward, not only because of the
opportunity of acquiring education and experience but also on
account of the better economic advantages of the larger
localities. The reason for this abnormal condition is, in all
probability, the general poverty of the peasantry, which renders
them small buyers, and the exorbitant taxation, which is very high
in proportion to the earning and spending capacity of the people,
and which usually oppresses the rural more than the urban
population.
The intellectual
condition of the Jews of Russia is, on the average, much higher
than that of the Russians. There
are
practically no illiterate male Jews, and there is comparatively
little illiteracy among the women, which means much in a country
where the number of illiterates is so large.
True, many know little more than to read the Hebrew prayer book,
but the number of those who know lore, especially in Lithuania,
is nevertheless quite considerable. Talmudic scholars of various
degrees of eminence abound and are highly respected. The educated
Jews, in the
modern sense of the term, may be divided into two classes, the
maskilim,
and those who have the advantage of a Russian education. The first
are mostly self-taught Hebraists with a leaning toward German
culture. The latter are imbued with the love of the Russian nation
and its literature and share that almost childish enthusiasm and
impulsiveness which is characteristic of the Russian intelligent
youth. In a country like Russia, where only a small number are
educated and public opinion is not crystallized, no natural bond
of sympathy exists between the higher and the lower classes. The
wide gap between them causes the latter to appear more brutal and
the former more intellectual, but in reality they are more
impractical and given to abstract theorizing. The intelligent
Russian is mostly an extremist in whatever views he may happen
to entertain, and the Jew, who in all climes and under all
conditions imitates the Christian, is no exception in this
respect. The maskil, who is usually inclined to abstractions and
is interested in science and literature for their own sake is, as
a rule, indifferent to the fate of the masses, condescending only
to teach those who evince a desire to join the aristocracy of
learning to which he belongs. The Russianized Jew, on the other
hand, is more often the enthusiastic lover of the low and the
downtrodden. By taking advantage of the welcome reception to all
newcomers, given in the circles of the extremely radical,
irrespective of faith or descent, he associates with Nihilists,
and then tries, with that contempt for expediency and
practicability which characterizes this class, to turn the
half-savage, wretched Russian laborers into full fledged
Socialists, with the result, in most cases, that they become more
wretched and expose themselves to useless danger.
This impractical
phase of the character of the Russian political radical can be
traced to the chief source of Russia's mental weakness, the
imitativeness of its genius; a high degree of scholarship and
culture is attained by the upper classes, because in these matters
it is possible to adopt foreign standards. The same may be said of
the real progress Russia is making in the fields of industry and, to some extent, of art.
Adaptation, adoption, and lack of originality are noticeable
everywhere. This is why Russia is perplexed when it comes to
problems which it will not or cannot solve according to foreign
standards. It is the pitiful
struggle of the unoriginal mind to assert itself in a way beyond
its powers which makes the Russian's ideals so vague and
indefinite. Perceiving that everything that is great and good and
beautiful comes from abroad, the educated Russian is at variance
with himself as to the question of civilization. He is attracted
and at the same time repelled by the culture of the
"rotten West," disliking it as an intruder but being
unable to do without it or to substitute for it anything originally
Russian. In spite of all, he remains mentally the slave of Western
Europe, and is much more influenced by
its opinions and its policies than is commonly supposed. The
Russians'
Pan-slavism and the Russian Jews' Zionism are but local
manifestations of the German's Mordspatriotismus and the
Frenchman's chauvinism. All that is necessary to bring about a
reaction in favor of more liberal political ideas and of better
treatment for the Jews is a reaction in the same direction in Germany
and France, the countries which supply intellectual Russia with
ideals and movements. As
this is bound to come before very long,
in spite of all the evil forebodings of the extreme nationalists
among our friends or our enemies, the
hope of the Russian Jew for better times at home is not so far from
being realized as some pessimists seem to think. The autocracy itself
came near being modified or rooted out before the present wave of
reactionary nationalism spread over Europe. When it will pass, as
others before it have passed, and the liberal element will regain
ascendancy, the condition of the Jews will be much improved. The
great moral support actively and passively given by Germany,
France,
and Austria to the autocracy and to Jew-baiting in Russia is
entirely unknown to the intelligent American to whom "Europe"
often means Great Britain. Therefore, it is difficult to make him,
or even the American Jew, believe that the persecutions of the
Jews are not of a religious nature but a result of reactionary
conservatism which degenerated into vicious tyranny, and for which
there is no other remedy than the general advancement of liberal
ideas in the countries which pretend, with some reason, to be more
civilized than Russia. Russia will certainly follow suit and all
its great problems, duding the Jewish problem, will be
nearer (a) solution when will again try to deal with them in that
spirit of liberalism which influenced its actions in the last
generation.
Meanwhile, the outlook is
not very promising. Although there can be no doubt of the ultimate
prevalence of liberal principles, not even the most optimistic
will dare to insist that their advent is imminent. Perhaps a great
war which should result in the triumph of a free country would
have the same beneficent results as the Crimean war, which
preceded the good times under Alexander II. Until the arrival of a
more liberal era, migration and emigration are the only
palliatives. They cannot be considered remedies, for in spite of
the great numbers forced to leave, the population of the Jews in
the Pale is steadily increasing. Migration to the interior parts
of Russia, which is allowed only to rich merchants and to skilled
artisans, and is not burdened by the assistance of organized
charities which give the schnorrer (beggar) an advantage
over the meritorious, is contributing much to make the Jews and
the Russians better acquainted, and is preparing both for
friendlier intercourse under the improved conditions which are
bound to come. Even now it helps to increase the number of
Russianized Jews who are to be found in the front ranks of the
better classes assisting in the noble work of advancing the
material and mental interests of their country to the best of
their abilities. The merchant and the mechanic are thus more
practical than the enthusiastic student at home or abroad, who
disdains the struggle for bourgeois
or capitalistic liberal principles
as being out of fashion and not sufficiently radical nowadays. The
Jew, in spite of all restrictions, plays an important part in the
rapid development of Russia, and when violence and malicious
persecution will prove, as they have always proven, unable to
suppress him, he will assume the place which belongs to him in the
social structure of Russia, and which he occupies in all civilized
countries. Persecution and poverty on the one hand, and mistaken
benevolence on the other, may induce some Jews to become
agricultural or other sorts of menial laborers. But in Russia, or
out of it, the Jew, with the help of the fortitude, diligence,
sobriety, and economy, which have served him through the darkest
and bloodiest ages, will rise as soon as the opportunity offers
itself, and will enter the middle and upper classes, to which he
naturally belongs.
In conclusion, let us console
ourselves with the knowledge that although the Jews of Russia
suffer terribly, they do not suffer alone. All other non-Russian
inhabitants are subject to more or less persecution and the entire
population is oppressed and plundered to an extent which an
American would consider impossible to endure. The only ray of hope
at present is Russia's rapid material advance. The introduction of
railroads and modern methods of production are doing much to raise
the standard of living, to increase the number of the well-to-do
and intelligent classes, and to make the country at large more
susceptible to civilizing influences from abroad. When once a
higher average is reached, Russia will deserve and possess a
better government than now, and with it will become better laws
and better treatment alike for Jew and Gentile.
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